ACCORDING to Alex Salmond’s timetable, should Scotland vote in favour of independence on September 18, it will become so by March 24, 2016, Scottish Independence Day.

This, however, raises one of many practical political, economic and social questions and consequences that will arise if Scotland does, indeed, support breaking away from the rest of the United Kingdom.

In short, what does it mean for the rest of the UK?

First, what will happen with the May 7 UK general election? As the process of independence will not be completed would a UK- wide election still take place?

Would it be postponed until official Scottish independence, via repeal of the 1707 Act of Union, has been confirmed?

If, according to the Fixed-Term Parliament Act of 2011, mandating a five-year Parliament, it does take place as scheduled, then Scottish votes will count and could be vital in electing a Labour Government, as about 15 per cent of Labour MPs currently represent Scottish constituencies.

Yet, these constituencies will disappear in 2016 as independence becomes a reality, likely losing Labour any majority it might have won.

For any postponement to take place, the Fixed-Term Act would need repealing, but this can only be achieved by a two-thirds vote in the House of Commons and would lead to charges that the Government had escaped facing voters when it faces possible defeat in the 2015 election.

Elsewhere, the Conservatives will benefit, losing only one MP they currently have in Scotland, yet as leader of the Conservative and Unionist Party and a strong supporter of maintaining the union, David Cameron will face charges that he ‘lost’ Scotland.

Nevertheless, would a UK, stripped of Scotland, embed Conservative governance or would internal party splits pressures, such as over Europe, gather pace and benefit the UK Independence Party (UKIP) and would it, effectively, become an English nationalist party?

Will we see a rise in desires for Welsh independence and an increase in calls for an English Parliament?

Would there be a realignment on the centre-left as social liberals, greens and some in the Labour movement see a chance for the birth of a new, progressive party?

Of course, there will be economic consequences, too. The remaining UK and Scottish economies will remain closely intertwined but questions will arise as to whether Scotland can keep the pound and operate a shared currency.

Will Scotland accept its share of the current UK national debt? Whilst Mr Salmond has pledged to do so, he may be less amenable if Scotland is refused access to the pound. What will happen to the prospective wealth of North Sea oil and gas in Scottish waters. Is this likely to be as lucrative as Mr Salmond has advertised, and is it too dependent on a declining resource?

Separation will also raise practical consequences such as who has the right to a Scottish passport and whether dual Scottish/ UK citizenship would be permitted.

Will border controls be needed? Would Scotland need to apply to join the European Union and would its application be accepted? What will happen to UK nuclear forces based in Scotland, especially if Scotland becomes a nuclear-free zone?

Overall, will the UK save money as it no longer needs to part-fund welfare and defence budgets that Scotland would be solely responsible for?

Finally, culturally, the Scottish National Party plans to keep the Queen, although some campaigners for independence wish for Scotland to become a republic.

It also pledges that the staff and assets of a new Scottish public service television broadcaster would be drawn from BBC Scotland. We may also wonder what would become of UK sports teams and individuals formerly representing the UK.

Tennis player Andy Murray has stated that he would represent Scotland post-independence and we may wonder whether Glasgow Rangers FC, with its strong loyalist support, would wish to apply to join the Football League!